By Markus Karbaum*

Phnom Penh Post, 13 Dec 2017

(http://www.nationmultimedia.com/detail/opinion/30333799)

The dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) is the most serious setback of Cambodian democracy since the coup of 1997. The existence of a relevant opposition is one of the main indicators for a functioning democracy.

The young Cambodian democracy has always been fragile, and the CNRP’s contribution to the emergence of a democratic political culture was limited. While only a few of its politicians acted with a self-concept as representatives of the people, the majority remained self-effacing.

For years, not a single politician became an expert in a specific policy area while the MPs were shy of any debate in parliament. Despite heavy foreign assistance, the CNRP failed to develop a comprehensive party platform. Frequent parliamentary boycotts, nepotism, factional rivalries and racist approaches were further concomitants, questioning its governability generally. And as nobody really resisted the dissolution, the CNRP is even not a democratic martyr.

Actually, democracy is not an end in itself and is therefore theoretically expendable. Social justice, rule of law, and the respect for fundamental human rights are principles that are more important for a society.

However, a democracy is more effective than any other form of government in preventing despotism and corruption. There is no doubt that the Cambodian regime has been dramatically failing to ensure these principles for decades, and the recent dissolution of the CNRP makes a political change even less likely.

While the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) relies wholly on the collective benefits of unleashed capitalism, the opposition promised solutions for ordinary citizens barred access to public and private spheres that are monopolized by the CPP’s political networks.

Surprisingly, though the number of people who get a raw deal is increasing, the regime did not face any noteworthy resistance during the creeping dissolution process. Obviously neither the CNRP nor its voters thought protest viable – not after the amendments to the Political Parties Law, the arrest of its president and finally the dissolution.

This shows the low potential for the so-called ‘color revolution’ the government claims is pending almost every week. In other words, political dissatisfaction is still insufficient for the emergence of an absolute will for change.

This is good news for the political elite and should end their nervousness. In order that its plan works completely, the ruling CPP needs not only a landslide victory in parliamentary elections in July but also a high turnout.

Currently, it is hard to predict how one-time CNRP voters will behave at the ballot box – given that the regime could use the stick as well as carrot to motivate people to participate in upcoming elections.

However, what is the point of such elections? As nobody is able or willing to oppose the de-democratization of Cambodia, the CPP will continue ruling as it has done with electoral legitimacy. At least in the past, elections forced its politicians to keep in touch with the people.

It seems that the leadership perceives advantages in holding polls – otherwise they would have been abolished already (of course, it is only a facade of responsibility towards the people as strong hierarchic patterns still divide the ruling from the ruled class). Though, without the pressure of an opposition, the ability to detect (and to react to) numerous dysfunctions in Cambodia’s socioeconomic development could easily decrease.

This could strengthen the raison d’etre for Cambodia’s numerous non-governmental organizations – at best. At worst, the regime lumps them together with the CNRP as politically biased and disloyal elements.

Unfortunately, since those who perceive the positive contribution of these NGOs (along with an opposition and a free press) to Cambodian society remain a minority within the regime’s top leadership, the demolition of pluralistic principles could continue.

Dr. Markus Karbaum is a political scientist and independent consultant specializing in Cambodian politics