Is ASEAN Democracy Backsliding

Posted by AsiaViews | Dec 18, 2017 | 0 |

Democracy has rarely been Southeast Asia’s strong suit. As Western support for anticommunist, authoritarian regimes dwindled toward the end of the Cold War, democracy seemed to return to the shores of the region in phases. The first phase involved the Philippines in 1986 and then Thailand in 1992. Next, it came to Indonesia in 1998.

For a while, it appeared democracy in Southeast Asia would prevail, eventually. Most countries, however imperfect their democracies, regularly held elections, if only to maintain the churn of politicians to keep their governments on their toes. Cambodia, for one, held five national elections between 1993 and 2013, notwithstanding a neutered opposition. The hope for a democratic Southeast Asia grew even stronger when Myanmar’s military consented to hold meaningful elections in 2015.

More recently, however, national elites who used to abide by electoral contestation have begun to turn against democracy as their own interests started diverging. Our first selection of Spotlight article this week, by Professor Mark R. Thompson, outlines the process of how authoritarian tendencies, perennially strong in many countries around the region, overpowered the democratic system. In his analysis, one underlying cause for this regression is the shallow democratic roots planted in the region.

Cambodia is one country where this development is clearest. While its government was never democratic in substance, it was always careful to maintain the democratic form. In recent weeks, Prime Minister Hun Sen seemed to have changed his mind on this, by cracking down on the press and banning political opposition. Our second choice for a Spotlight article, by Dr. Markus Karbaum, explores the consequences of democratic regress in Cambodia in detail.

If Southeast Asia’s elites turn away from democracy, they go against the fact that it is one political system that has proven to be capable addressing the many challenges of good governance equitably. The region’s history is littered with examples of authoritarian systems crashing from the pressures of poor governance. A repeat of that would be a disaster to the peoples of Southeast Asia.

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EXTRICATING NDONESIAN CHILDREN FROM ISIS INFLUENCE ABROAD

Indonesia urgently needs to revisit the possibility of repatriating the neediest of its young citizens stranded abroad, whose families had earlier joined ISIS. Most of these children are in camps in northern Syria but there are also small numbers in the Philippines, Afghanistan and Iraq. “Extricating Indonesian Children from ISIS Influence Abroad”, the latest report from the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) argues that the government could begin by bringing back small groups of unaccompanied children under ten years of age, who pose minimal security risk and are most vulnerable to deteriorating conditions in the camps.“The problem is that health and security conditions are worsening by the day in the Syrian camps, and the children are growing older,” says Dyah Kartika, IPAC analyst. “They need access to schools, a nurturing environment, and medical attention. If the government waits too long, the children will be further exposed to ISIS ideology.” The new report examines a 2019 list of Indonesians in camps and prisons run by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Indonesian government has been trying to verify their citizenship, but with pseudonyms, misspellings and bad transliterations, it is a daunting task. At the time the data was collected, between March and June 2019, there were 555 Indonesians in SDF camps and prisons, including 367 children. Among the children, approximately 277 were under the age of ten and 34 were unaccompanied. In June 2021, there are fewer than ten children who are both unaccompanied and under the age of ten that could be prioritized for return. Bringing back children of ISIS families is no easy task. The report analyses the main challenges faced by the Indonesian government. These include definitional issues, bureaucratic competition, the difficulty of verifying nationality, evaluating the toll of exposure to conflict, assessing security risk, and finding relatives or others willing to provide care once the children are returned. In addition, COVID has meant stringent restrictions on travel, placing further obstacles in the way of repatriation. There are several models for rehabilitation of children exposed to violent extremism in Indonesia that could be modified to accommodate the needs of children repatriated from abroad. The report examines these models and argues that the government does not need to have every detail of rehabilitation programs in place before it starts extricating children from ISIS influence. It can start by bringing back the most vulnerable children and then modify programs as needed.

“It’s important that the government see these children as victims” says Dyah. “They deserve a chance to be children again.”

Is ASEAN Democracy Backsliding