To Rebuild Marawi

Posted by AsiaViews | Oct 2, 2017 | 0 |

PHILIPPINES

The Philippine Daily Inquirer

Sept 23, 2017

The crisis in Marawi City is one of the most serious threats to national security in recent memory. What the Duterte administration initially thought would be a short-lived distraction turned into a protracted battle between government troops and the Maute group allied with the Islamic State. Last Sunday, the military announced the capture of the command center of the Mautes who have holed out in Marawi for nearly four months, during which time airstrikes were continuously launched in an effort to drive them out. In the process, the city was devastated: The bombings and gun battles destroyed houses, buildings, mosques and other important infrastructure.

Since May 23 when hundreds of armed Maute fighters occupied the “Islamic City,” more than 800 government soldiers, extremists, and civilians have been killed and tens of thousands forced to flee their homes and businesses. Now, as the military starts the “winding up” process, it is time to think of reconstruction as well as the need to help the nearly 200,000 residents displaced by the fighting.

President Duterte earlier promised to provide P20 billion to rehabilitate Marawi and restore it to its former glory. That figure has since changed. Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana, when asked during a Senate hearing how much would be needed for Marawi’s rehabilitation, pegged the amount at P50 billion. In a press briefing in Malacañang days later, he pointed out that when he traveled to Marawi with the President, they saw that the destruction was “really massive” and thought P50 billion would not be enough.

The Department of Budget and Management has earmarked P5 billion in 2017 and P10 billion in 2018 for the rehabilitation program. An additional budget will also be provided in 2019. But these allocations will not be sufficient. In financing the reconstruction, the administration can tap the generosity of the international community despite the President’s frequent criticism of foreign governments for commenting on his bloody war on drugs. Some countries have in fact pledged financial assistance. Australia promised to give P1 billion, the United States said it would provide P730 million, and Japan and Thailand P100 million each. The European Union also committed P49 million, and China said it would give P70 million for the wounded soldiers and P15 million for the rehabilitation process. The World Bank and the Asian Development Bank have also promised to help. The administration can likewise seek financial assistance from the more affluent Muslim countries.

Moving forward, an important aspect is the appointment of an overseer for the reconstruction of Marawi. And in the crafting of the reconstruction plan, it should be very clear which agency will take the lead, with accountabilities clearly defined. The process of rebuilding—from the ground up for most infrastructure in Marawi—should follow a master plan that will restore the city’s charm before the Mautes stormed in. So far, a number of agencies and public institutions want to have a part in the reconstruction effort, including the local government units there. Even the Senate has formed a committee to assess any rebuilding plan.

Task Force Bangon Marawi, put up by the President last June in Administrative Order No. 3, should take on this role. While the task force is headed by Lorenzana and includes the Armed Forces chief of staff, it also has as members the secretaries of nondefense departments critical in the rebuilding process—Public Works, Budget and Management, Information and Communications Technology, Health, Education and Energy.

What the administration will do from hereon will be important to the fate of Marawi and the thousands of residents who fled the fighting and who will be coming back to a nearly flattened city. Drafting a very clear reconstruction program and identifying the person in charge will be a good start to rebuild Marawi.

(source: http://opinion.inquirer.net/107351/to-rebuild-marawi)

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EXTRICATING NDONESIAN CHILDREN FROM ISIS INFLUENCE ABROAD

Indonesia urgently needs to revisit the possibility of repatriating the neediest of its young citizens stranded abroad, whose families had earlier joined ISIS. Most of these children are in camps in northern Syria but there are also small numbers in the Philippines, Afghanistan and Iraq. “Extricating Indonesian Children from ISIS Influence Abroad”, the latest report from the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) argues that the government could begin by bringing back small groups of unaccompanied children under ten years of age, who pose minimal security risk and are most vulnerable to deteriorating conditions in the camps.“The problem is that health and security conditions are worsening by the day in the Syrian camps, and the children are growing older,” says Dyah Kartika, IPAC analyst. “They need access to schools, a nurturing environment, and medical attention. If the government waits too long, the children will be further exposed to ISIS ideology.” The new report examines a 2019 list of Indonesians in camps and prisons run by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Indonesian government has been trying to verify their citizenship, but with pseudonyms, misspellings and bad transliterations, it is a daunting task. At the time the data was collected, between March and June 2019, there were 555 Indonesians in SDF camps and prisons, including 367 children. Among the children, approximately 277 were under the age of ten and 34 were unaccompanied. In June 2021, there are fewer than ten children who are both unaccompanied and under the age of ten that could be prioritized for return. Bringing back children of ISIS families is no easy task. The report analyses the main challenges faced by the Indonesian government. These include definitional issues, bureaucratic competition, the difficulty of verifying nationality, evaluating the toll of exposure to conflict, assessing security risk, and finding relatives or others willing to provide care once the children are returned. In addition, COVID has meant stringent restrictions on travel, placing further obstacles in the way of repatriation. There are several models for rehabilitation of children exposed to violent extremism in Indonesia that could be modified to accommodate the needs of children repatriated from abroad. The report examines these models and argues that the government does not need to have every detail of rehabilitation programs in place before it starts extricating children from ISIS influence. It can start by bringing back the most vulnerable children and then modify programs as needed.

“It’s important that the government see these children as victims” says Dyah. “They deserve a chance to be children again.”

To Rebuild Marawi