Time for EU to Up Pressure

Posted by AsiaViews | Dec 18, 2017 | 0 |

The Bangkok Post

14 Dec 2017
Beyond the political rhetoric of normalizing ties, both the Thai government and the European Union (EU) still need to do more to make that process meaningful. Neither party should take the prospect of improved relations too lightly.

The EU’s offer of a “gradual political re-engagement”, announced on Monday by its Foreign Affairs Council, has sent positive psychological effects through both political and business arenas. After having suspended ties with Thailand following the May 2014 coup, the European bloc has shown its intention to resume political dialogue, while exploring possibilities for trade negotiations.

Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha’s promise made in October to hold a general election in November next year and the “phasing out” of prosecuting civilians in military courts are the key developments the bloc cited as reasons for resuming political contact.

But such a resumption of ties is not offered without conditions, as wrongfully perceived by Gen Prayut. It does come with a number of strings attached. In addition to the need for it to keep its election promise, the regime is also expected to lift restrictions on freedom of expression and political activities.

While the EU said it would explore possibilities for resuming talks on a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Thailand, it stressed that any resumption of talks along with the signing of a partnership and cooperation agreement may only be pursued with a democratically elected government.

Both Gen Prayut and Foreign Minister Don Pramudwinai embraced the news with optimism. The premier on Tuesday said that this has been what his government was heading toward in a way which was in the best interests of the country.

In fact, the EU’s move is partly seen as an attempt to pressure the military into sticking to the election roadmap while giving it a channel through which it can raise concerns about human rights violations in the country.

So far, Gen Prayut has not tried to fulfill his election pledge. On Tuesday, the premier refused to give a specific date as to when the political ban will be lifted to pave the way for the return of the democratic process.

Meanwhile, the NCPO has not shown a willingness to ease suppression of its critics and activists. The most recent example is the case of former Pheu Thai spokeswoman, Lt Sunisa Lertpakawat, who yesterday reported to police to acknowledge criminal charges filed against her by the NCPO’s legal team. She is charged with computer crime and sedition offences for a Facebook post criticizing the premier.

Another recent case is a lese majeste charge against historian and social critic Sulak Sivaraksa for questioning the outcome of a battle in 1593 between King Naresuan and the Burmese crown prince, Minchit Sra. A military court has yet to rule whether to prosecute Mr Sulak.

Earlier, anti-coal activists were detained by the military for “attitude adjustment”.

Should Gen Prayut want to look at the economic value the country could gain from the normalization of ties and trade talks with the EU, he should lift the political ban and order his NCPO members and the military to stop prosecuting and harassing their critics and activists.

The European bloc, at the same time, should capitalize on opening a channel to pressure the regime into stopping rights violations and easing restrictions on freedom of expression.

Following the US reversal of its stance towards the Thai government along with China’s growing economic dominance in the country, it is understood the EU wants to be more pragmatic in its diplomacy and does not want to lose out in the competition with the United States and China for trade deals.

Some suspect the EU may remain silent during the time leading up to the election in an effort to nurture the normalization of relations. The EU should prove these people wrong by not turning a blind eye to the regime’s suppression of its critics and pressure Gen Prayut to keep his election promise.

(https://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/1378491/time-for-eu-to-up-pressure)

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Indonesia urgently needs to revisit the possibility of repatriating the neediest of its young citizens stranded abroad, whose families had earlier joined ISIS. Most of these children are in camps in northern Syria but there are also small numbers in the Philippines, Afghanistan and Iraq. “Extricating Indonesian Children from ISIS Influence Abroad”, the latest report from the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) argues that the government could begin by bringing back small groups of unaccompanied children under ten years of age, who pose minimal security risk and are most vulnerable to deteriorating conditions in the camps.“The problem is that health and security conditions are worsening by the day in the Syrian camps, and the children are growing older,” says Dyah Kartika, IPAC analyst. “They need access to schools, a nurturing environment, and medical attention. If the government waits too long, the children will be further exposed to ISIS ideology.” The new report examines a 2019 list of Indonesians in camps and prisons run by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Indonesian government has been trying to verify their citizenship, but with pseudonyms, misspellings and bad transliterations, it is a daunting task. At the time the data was collected, between March and June 2019, there were 555 Indonesians in SDF camps and prisons, including 367 children. Among the children, approximately 277 were under the age of ten and 34 were unaccompanied. In June 2021, there are fewer than ten children who are both unaccompanied and under the age of ten that could be prioritized for return. Bringing back children of ISIS families is no easy task. The report analyses the main challenges faced by the Indonesian government. These include definitional issues, bureaucratic competition, the difficulty of verifying nationality, evaluating the toll of exposure to conflict, assessing security risk, and finding relatives or others willing to provide care once the children are returned. In addition, COVID has meant stringent restrictions on travel, placing further obstacles in the way of repatriation. There are several models for rehabilitation of children exposed to violent extremism in Indonesia that could be modified to accommodate the needs of children repatriated from abroad. The report examines these models and argues that the government does not need to have every detail of rehabilitation programs in place before it starts extricating children from ISIS influence. It can start by bringing back the most vulnerable children and then modify programs as needed.

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Time for EU to Up Pressure