Power, Politics & Corruption

Posted by Asia Views | Feb 6, 2021 | 0 |

Corruption is never easy to measure and Transparency International’s (TI) Corruption Perception Index (CPI) has its fair share of critics, but since its launch in 1995, it has become the benchmark for countries around the world to assess their progress in tackling corruption. Whenever a drop occurs in their scores and ranking, governments will take issue, questioning the methodology and emphasizing that it only measures perception, not actual corruption. The reality, however, is never too far from the perception.

Indonesia’s 3-point drop in the latest CPI score is no surprise but disappointing all the same. This is the first time the score has fallen since 2007, when it consistently improved, reaching a peak in 2019 and Indonesia scored 40 and ranked 85^th among the 180 countries surveyed. In 2020, our score fell to 37, on a par with Gambia, slipping to 102^ndplace, back to where we were in 2016 and 2017.

Why the fall? TI uses data from nine different surveys to come up with a composite index for Indonesia’s CPI score. In all but one survey, namely the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index, Indonesia’s performance has either worsened or remained stagnant. Where we have performed badly are mostly in the surveys related to business and investments, such as the PRS International Country Risk Guide, the IMD World Competitiveness Yearbook, Global Insight Country Risk Rating, and the PERC Asia Risk Guide. This is particularly ironic when the Jokowi government has been doing its utmost to improve the business environment. Private sector actors, as the main respondents in these surveys, perceive bribery, extortion and other corrupt practices to have worsened in 2020.

Although the government has made an impressive leap according to the World Bank’s Doing Business reports, jumping from 120^thplace in 2014 to 73^rd within five years, corruption remains unresolved. It continues to skew the playing field, creates uncertainty, and drives up costs. Wherein lies the crux of this massive problem? De-bureaucratization would be the minimum requirement to improve public governance. The government needs to make a steadfast commitment to and implement a strong anti-corruption agenda that has the courage to break the chains of the oligarchy, including revising the laws governing political parties, to instill integrity in their management.

As pointed out by former KPK (Indonesian Anti-Corruption Commission) Commissioner, Laode M Syarif, Ph.D, 252 out of the 575 members of Parliament (44%) have business interests. Not surprisingly therefore, the widely controversial revisions to the Laws on the KPK, on Mining as well as on Job Creation, were passed in record time, displaying the power of the oligarchs.

There is a new caveat. One day before the CPI was launched, the government announced the appointment of the five supervisory board members – as approved by Parliament – to oversee the new sovereign wealth fund, otherwise known as the Indonesian Investment Authority (LPI). The success of this fund, which the government has initially targeted at US$5.3 billion, hinges on the government’s ability to attract foreign capital. Reportedly, it has so far received pledges from the US International Development Finance Corporation, the Japan Bank for International Cooperation and the Canadian Pension Fund CDPQ. Indonesia itself has already allocated US$1 billion from its state budget to set the ball rolling.

Not only should this LPI be managed by competent professionals with integrity and governed by accountable and transparent processes, the political environment in which it operates must also be conducive to its functioning free of political intervention. A tall order perhaps but necessary if we want to attract reputable investors and avoid the shame of Malaysia’s experience with its 1MDB fund.

Corruption has even reared its ugly head during this devastating Covid-19 pandemic, as evident in the questionable government aid procurement and disbursement practices. It is imperative, therefore, that political corruption, managing conflicts of interest and controlling political financing be seriously tackled, so as not to jeopardize our dream of becoming the world’s fourth biggest economy in 2045.

NATALIA SOEBAGJO

Bali resident & writer

About The Author

Asia Views

Leave a reply Cancel reply

Neigborhood Watch

Subscribe To Newsletter

POINTS TO PONDER

EXTRICATING NDONESIAN CHILDREN FROM ISIS INFLUENCE ABROAD

Indonesia urgently needs to revisit the possibility of repatriating the neediest of its young citizens stranded abroad, whose families had earlier joined ISIS. Most of these children are in camps in northern Syria but there are also small numbers in the Philippines, Afghanistan and Iraq. “Extricating Indonesian Children from ISIS Influence Abroad”, the latest report from the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) argues that the government could begin by bringing back small groups of unaccompanied children under ten years of age, who pose minimal security risk and are most vulnerable to deteriorating conditions in the camps.“The problem is that health and security conditions are worsening by the day in the Syrian camps, and the children are growing older,” says Dyah Kartika, IPAC analyst. “They need access to schools, a nurturing environment, and medical attention. If the government waits too long, the children will be further exposed to ISIS ideology.” The new report examines a 2019 list of Indonesians in camps and prisons run by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Indonesian government has been trying to verify their citizenship, but with pseudonyms, misspellings and bad transliterations, it is a daunting task. At the time the data was collected, between March and June 2019, there were 555 Indonesians in SDF camps and prisons, including 367 children. Among the children, approximately 277 were under the age of ten and 34 were unaccompanied. In June 2021, there are fewer than ten children who are both unaccompanied and under the age of ten that could be prioritized for return. Bringing back children of ISIS families is no easy task. The report analyses the main challenges faced by the Indonesian government. These include definitional issues, bureaucratic competition, the difficulty of verifying nationality, evaluating the toll of exposure to conflict, assessing security risk, and finding relatives or others willing to provide care once the children are returned. In addition, COVID has meant stringent restrictions on travel, placing further obstacles in the way of repatriation. There are several models for rehabilitation of children exposed to violent extremism in Indonesia that could be modified to accommodate the needs of children repatriated from abroad. The report examines these models and argues that the government does not need to have every detail of rehabilitation programs in place before it starts extricating children from ISIS influence. It can start by bringing back the most vulnerable children and then modify programs as needed.

“It’s important that the government see these children as victims” says Dyah. “They deserve a chance to be children again.”

Power, Politics & Corruption