MYANMAR’S Junta’s Planned Election to be Contested by 63 Parties

Posted by Asia Views | Apr 8, 2023 | 0 |

Irrawaddy-Apr 7

Myanmar’s military regime has dissolved 40 political parties including the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) for refusing to re-register under its tough new Political Parties Registration Law. However, 63 other parties will follow the road map of the junta despite its atrocities against its own people. The junta’s Union Election Commission (UEC) has not announced which parties will contest nationally or regionally. However, The Irrawaddy has learned that as of Friday 12 out of 63 are believed to be preparing to contest nationwide, while the rest will contest their respective regions and states. Under the junta-drafted Political Parties Registration Law, national parties are required to recruit at least 100,000 members within 90 days of registration, open offices in at least half of the country’s 330 townships within six months and contest at least half of all constituencies in Myanmar. Observers say that only parties with ties to the military regime can operate under such restrictions.

Based on The Irrawaddy’s findings, the Myanmar military’s proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the National Unity Party (NUP), Union Democracy Party (UDP), Public Contribute Students Party (PCSP), People’s Party (PP), Shan and Ethnic Democratic Party (SEDP), Democratic Party of National Politics (DNP), People’s Pioneer Party (PPP), Myanmar Farmers Development Party (MFDP), Union Peace and Unity Party (UPUP), National Interests Development Party and National Democratic Force (NDF) are likely to contest national elections. The USDP, NUP and DNP are led by ex-generals. While many parties are struggling to survive, USDP chairman former brigadier general U Khin Yi, one of coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s right hand men, and other senior USDP leaders have been traveling to meet party members and attract young voters.

The PPP is led by Daw Thet Thet Khine, a former NLD lawmaker expelled from the party in 2018, who is currently the junta’s social welfare minister. Read more at: https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/politics/myanmar-juntas-planned-election-to-be-contested-by-63-parties.html

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EXTRICATING NDONESIAN CHILDREN FROM ISIS INFLUENCE ABROAD

Indonesia urgently needs to revisit the possibility of repatriating the neediest of its young citizens stranded abroad, whose families had earlier joined ISIS. Most of these children are in camps in northern Syria but there are also small numbers in the Philippines, Afghanistan and Iraq. “Extricating Indonesian Children from ISIS Influence Abroad”, the latest report from the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) argues that the government could begin by bringing back small groups of unaccompanied children under ten years of age, who pose minimal security risk and are most vulnerable to deteriorating conditions in the camps.“The problem is that health and security conditions are worsening by the day in the Syrian camps, and the children are growing older,” says Dyah Kartika, IPAC analyst. “They need access to schools, a nurturing environment, and medical attention. If the government waits too long, the children will be further exposed to ISIS ideology.” The new report examines a 2019 list of Indonesians in camps and prisons run by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Indonesian government has been trying to verify their citizenship, but with pseudonyms, misspellings and bad transliterations, it is a daunting task. At the time the data was collected, between March and June 2019, there were 555 Indonesians in SDF camps and prisons, including 367 children. Among the children, approximately 277 were under the age of ten and 34 were unaccompanied. In June 2021, there are fewer than ten children who are both unaccompanied and under the age of ten that could be prioritized for return. Bringing back children of ISIS families is no easy task. The report analyses the main challenges faced by the Indonesian government. These include definitional issues, bureaucratic competition, the difficulty of verifying nationality, evaluating the toll of exposure to conflict, assessing security risk, and finding relatives or others willing to provide care once the children are returned. In addition, COVID has meant stringent restrictions on travel, placing further obstacles in the way of repatriation. There are several models for rehabilitation of children exposed to violent extremism in Indonesia that could be modified to accommodate the needs of children repatriated from abroad. The report examines these models and argues that the government does not need to have every detail of rehabilitation programs in place before it starts extricating children from ISIS influence. It can start by bringing back the most vulnerable children and then modify programs as needed.

“It’s important that the government see these children as victims” says Dyah. “They deserve a chance to be children again.”

MYANMAR’S Junta’s Planned Election to be Contested by 63 Parties

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