THAILAND
By Kavi Chongkittavorn*

The Bangkok Post-Apr 3

The Khmer phrase mian borami is common these days in one of the most vibrant capitals in Asean. Ask Cambodians at random in the Central Market or Monivong Boulevard (or, if you fancy, Mao Zedong or Lenin Boulevard) their feelings about Samdech Decho Hun Sen, and chances are they will answer, “Hun Sen has supernatural powers and strength”. In Cambodian culture, someone with borami — or charisma — has earned respect, recognition and authority from years of work for their neighbourhood and service to the community. They are perceived as extraordinary individuals who have supernatural powers to change things. That is how Cambodians think of Hun Sen. At least for now.

For Hun Sen, borami has not come easily. He has spent his whole life earning it after escaping from the Khmer Rouge in July 1977. Since the last election, the region’s longest-reigning prime minister, at 33 years, is working hard to ensure his legacy in history books as the modern father of Cambodia. In 2013, his Cambodia People’s Party won the last election by a slim majority, which led to months of political stalemate and uncertainty. He was determined that in future elections, such a scenario would not be repeated. After all, this is not about power and wealth, the focus of the international community, it is all about how Hun Sen would be remembered by the Cambodian people  — his legacy. Indeed, his political longevity depends on his borami.

Since the previous polls, he has done everything he can to create an environment where his CPP can win the upcoming election without any dispute. Last year, a team believed to be headed by Hun Manet, his West Point-educated son, produced two documentaries — one on Hun Sen’s personal history and the other titled Marching Towards National Salvation. Besides historical facts, these documentaries also illustrate Hun Sen’s borami.

The opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party, which was the main challenger, was dissolved in November 2017. The Cambodian media, which used to be one of the freest in ASEAN, has been gagged. Vibrant civil society organizations are no longer free to campaign to promote democracy and human rights. With his power increasing due to the lack of any credible opposition, Hun Sen has been severely criticized by the international community, especially the US and EU. Other countries, such as Australia and Japan, have taken a more low-key approach on the matter.

Over the past few months, Hun Sen’s battered image has improved through his extensive use of social media despite heavy criticism from the West. As heir apparent, Hun Manet has to prove that he can win popular support for his father. He has encouraged his father to use social media to appeal to younger Cambodians. As a result, since December 2014, Hun Sen has appeared in numerous Facebook posts and selfies with other world leaders as well as common folk. No other ASEAN leaders have done as much with the medium. His Facebook likes and followers have reached almost 10 million, making him something of an online icon in the country.

Deep down, Hun Sen would like to be the people’s leader, like King Sihanouk. Cambodian TV and radio often broadcast stories and documentaries about Hun Sen highlighting his youth and vision, and his role in bringing together the country’s warring factions in national reconciliation after the 1979-1991 war. He often emphasizes that he is the leader who has turned the once war-torn country into a “little economic tiger” with one of the fastest-growing economies in ASEAN.

After the 1991 Paris Peace Accord, Hun Sen was the darling of the West, which saw him as the man who could build a liberal democracy in this small developing nation, and without whom peace would never have come to Cambodia. Now, the strongman has forged a close-knit relationship with China.

In truly Machiavellian style, he single-handedly changed Cambodia-China relations through appeasement in 1999. He knew that when China joined the World Trade Organization a year later, the Middle Kingdom would become one of the world’s major trading nations and most powerful economies. He changed sides to profit from it and continues to do so today. China has a presence and influence in Cambodia as never seen before.

At the time, he began to loathe the consortium of foreign aid donors from the West, the main source of Cambodia’s economic and domestic development. Japan has taken the lead as a key player in the peaceful settlement of the 13-year Cambodian conflict and economic development thereafter. Hun Sen did his best to fulfil the donors’ demands for rules-based governance, respect for human rights and democracy in the early years. Remember, Cambodia is supposed to be the region’s prime example of a liberal democracy backed by an enthusiastic UN and international community.

Before the 1997 political turmoil, Cambodia was considered one of the freest countries in ASEAN. Indeed, Cambodia shone among the so-called CLMV countries − Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam. It had more media freedom and freedom of expression than more than half of the other ASEAN members and was hailed by the UN as a model developing country. But this objective appears to have faded from view, and the Western media now accuses the country of backsliding on democracy.

Hun Sen’s focus is now on winning the hearts and minds of young voters, who comprise about a half a million of the estimated 8.4 million people eligible to vote in the July polls. The strategy is to ensure the majority of young voters in the 18-39 year bracket are on his side. Frankly speaking, it is still a tall order.

At a workshop about reporting the election, recently organized by the Bangkok-based Southeast Asia Press Alliance (Seapa), a ranking member of Cambodia’s National Election Committee (NEC), Dim Sovannarom, said with confidence that the next polls will be free, fair and transparent. He said many regional and international organizations from developed countries, including ASEAN, will be present on the election day. At the workshop, he engaged with over two dozens journalists, who asked for better media access on the polling day. Except for the EU and the US, the international community has continued to provide assistance to the electoral process, he said, adding that the NEC has now received US$53 million for election expenses. Japan has been providing technical assistance to the NEC. He expects there will at least 37 political parties contesting in July.

To prepare for coverage of the election, the Cambodian Centre for Independent Media is teaching local journalists how to report professionally and systematically by inviting regional experts to share their knowledge and tips. Cambodian journalists are being told to learn from Myanmar’s 2015 election outcome, which surprised political pundits and reporters when the opposition party, the National League of Democracy, won by a landslide. The Cambodian journalists must also scrutinize the views and behavior of voters, in particular young, first-time voters carefully. They have to equip themselves with a broader knowledge of electoral laws and regulations so that they will be able to access over 20,000 polling stations as well as documents when needed. They have also been warned not to fall for fake news on social media, especially Facebook, because it can confuse electoral reporting and mislead the public.

At a popular Starbucks on the corner of Streets 57 and 288 in Chamkar Mon, a young man with a stylish bag and a $5.95 cup of “press coffee” on his table told me he could not say that Hun Sen has borami because he is not God. “I only know that he is here to stay. He will leave politics when his sons are ready. He has many.” When asked if he would vote for the ruling party, he replied, “I have not made up my mind.” In the end, whatever Hun Sen has done, for good or for worse, is aimed at augmenting his borami. If the Cambodians, including eligible voters, perceive Hun Sen’s recent actions and behavior positively, his three-decade legacy will be remembered and sustained. He will only leave when all these are assured. Borami is the main source of his power and legitimacy, not liberal democracy as understood by the West.

*Kavi Chongkittavorn is a veteran journalist on regional affairs.

(First published in The Bangkok Post – https://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/1439811/hun-sens-legacy-hinges-on-his-borami)