Human Rights Day: No Cause for Celebration

Posted by AsiaViews | Dec 12, 2017 | 0 |

The 10^th Bali Democracy Forum marked International Human Rights Day this year in the western Jakarta dormitory suburb of Tangerang, a change of venue forced on the organizers by the untimely eruption of Mt Agung. As usual, the gathering brought together ministers and senior officials from the 10 ASEAN member countries, plus a handful of others from emerging democracies in the Middle East who took part in the 2014 Arab Spring. Having attended two of the forums in the past, I can safely say that most of the discussions would be centered around well-prepared policy speeches.

On that same day, in south Jakarta, the TIFA Foundation – a non-governmental organization established soon after the onset of reformasi at the end of president Suharto’s 32-year rule — hosted its own forum to discuss the progress of democratization in Southeast Asia. Unlike their official counterparts, however, the participants, mostly fellow NGO activists from neighboring countries, shored up by Australian academics from the Australian National University’s New Mandala journal on Asian issues, spoke without prepared speeches about their own personal experiences in their respective societies.

In many ways, the content and the conclusion of both forums were not dissimilar: given the complex dynamics of globalization, the dividends of democracy were either overrated or expectations were far too high. The Bali Democracy Forum debated the question whether democracy actually delivers. TIFA, on other hand, was unequivocal with its conviction that what, in fact, was happening was a race to the bottom.

Are things really that bad? News reports from around the region were not particularly encouraging.

In the Cambodian capital of Phnom Penh, Human Rights Day commemorations were kept to a minimum amid fears of a government crackdown. In Singapore and Malaysia, the media did not publish any outstanding articles on wat should have been a noteworthy day. Nor did those in Myanmar and tightly-controlled Vietnam. Thailand remained relatively quiet too as activists hunker down under the threatening pressure of the military-led government.

Only the Philippines seemed to show some spunk, in the face of President Duterte’s harsh anti-drug policies. Local news articles called on Filipinos to resist the spate of extra-judicial and the government’s assault on free speech. In Indonesia, news reports reminded the government of unfinished promises to resolve human rights issues, such as the 2004 murder of activist Munir Said Thalib, and the impunity of those responsible for the 1965 pogroms and the disappearance of students and activists during the dying days of the Suharto regime.

Is democracy dead, as one exiled Cambodian participant to the TIFA discussion claimed? Realistically, it certainly looks that way. Yet, there is still enough activism left in a number of ASEAN countries to re-ignite the struggle for freedom and our rights. Perhaps what is needed in these times of uncertainty is not just the political will, but the right kind of leadership.

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EXTRICATING NDONESIAN CHILDREN FROM ISIS INFLUENCE ABROAD

Indonesia urgently needs to revisit the possibility of repatriating the neediest of its young citizens stranded abroad, whose families had earlier joined ISIS. Most of these children are in camps in northern Syria but there are also small numbers in the Philippines, Afghanistan and Iraq. “Extricating Indonesian Children from ISIS Influence Abroad”, the latest report from the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) argues that the government could begin by bringing back small groups of unaccompanied children under ten years of age, who pose minimal security risk and are most vulnerable to deteriorating conditions in the camps.“The problem is that health and security conditions are worsening by the day in the Syrian camps, and the children are growing older,” says Dyah Kartika, IPAC analyst. “They need access to schools, a nurturing environment, and medical attention. If the government waits too long, the children will be further exposed to ISIS ideology.” The new report examines a 2019 list of Indonesians in camps and prisons run by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Indonesian government has been trying to verify their citizenship, but with pseudonyms, misspellings and bad transliterations, it is a daunting task. At the time the data was collected, between March and June 2019, there were 555 Indonesians in SDF camps and prisons, including 367 children. Among the children, approximately 277 were under the age of ten and 34 were unaccompanied. In June 2021, there are fewer than ten children who are both unaccompanied and under the age of ten that could be prioritized for return. Bringing back children of ISIS families is no easy task. The report analyses the main challenges faced by the Indonesian government. These include definitional issues, bureaucratic competition, the difficulty of verifying nationality, evaluating the toll of exposure to conflict, assessing security risk, and finding relatives or others willing to provide care once the children are returned. In addition, COVID has meant stringent restrictions on travel, placing further obstacles in the way of repatriation. There are several models for rehabilitation of children exposed to violent extremism in Indonesia that could be modified to accommodate the needs of children repatriated from abroad. The report examines these models and argues that the government does not need to have every detail of rehabilitation programs in place before it starts extricating children from ISIS influence. It can start by bringing back the most vulnerable children and then modify programs as needed.

“It’s important that the government see these children as victims” says Dyah. “They deserve a chance to be children again.”

Human Rights Day: No Cause for Celebration