Blundering US Diplomacy

Posted by AsiaViews | Oct 30, 2017 | 0 |

The Jakarta Post

Oct 24, 2017
By any standard, the abruptly canceled trip of Indonesian Military (TNI) commander Gen. Gatot Nurmantyo to the United States on Saturday is a diplomatic scandal, even though American officials may rush to convince us of unintentional mistakes.

The commander and his wife had US visas and an invitation from the chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Joseph F. Dunford, to participate in the Chiefs of Defense Conference on Countering Violent Extremist Organizations from Monday to Tuesday. However, when Gatot was already at Soekarno-Hatta International Airport, an official from Dubai-based carrier Emirates told him that the US Customs and Border Protection Agency had barred him and his delegation from boarding the US-bound flight.

The incident is an insult not only to Gatot and the TNI, but also to the commander-in-chief, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. Therefore, a written apology from the US Embassy to Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi “for any inconvenience to General Gatot” reflects outstanding ignorance of the gravity of the incident.

Unlike a few former officers accused of human rights abuses, Gatot had no problem traveling to the US earlier. Worse still, notification of the US denial of his entry came from an airline official, who naturally could not explain the reason for the TNI chief being barred from US territory.

Such carelessness of the US government may result in fallout in bilateral defense and military ties. Close relations between high-ranking officials may help control the damage ahead of a possible visit by US President Donald Trump to Indonesia in the near future — but still leave us agog at how the world’s biggest power could be so reckless.

Further, the absence of Gen. Gatot at the talks on countering violent extremism is unfortunate as Indonesia leads in this issue. Our citizens continue to face terrorist threats, leading to the necessary build-up of skills and international cooperation networks, apart from facing challenges in spreading awareness to counter the threat, and the constant resistance faced on the ground by antiterrorism forces under the National Police.

Jakarta-Washington military-to-military ties have been improving, though they have yet to return to the level of the Soeharto years. Indonesia has long ended its dependence on the US for defense purposes and has diversified its shopping sources for military equipment since bilateral military ties were severed following the November 1991 shootings in Dili, former East Timor.

We are no fawning fans of our military, which still has many problems constraining its professionalism, including accountability for human rights abuses. We are also aware of criticism from the US government and Congress regarding measures seen as undeserved concessions to the TNI amid continued reports of violence against civilians, such as in Papua.

Indonesia, nevertheless, hopes to increase cooperation with the US, including in counterterrorism and maritime security. At least we expect respect for our leaders, aside from a coherent policy, from the US government.

(http://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2017/10/24/editorial-blundering-us-diplomacy.html)

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EXTRICATING NDONESIAN CHILDREN FROM ISIS INFLUENCE ABROAD

Indonesia urgently needs to revisit the possibility of repatriating the neediest of its young citizens stranded abroad, whose families had earlier joined ISIS. Most of these children are in camps in northern Syria but there are also small numbers in the Philippines, Afghanistan and Iraq. “Extricating Indonesian Children from ISIS Influence Abroad”, the latest report from the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) argues that the government could begin by bringing back small groups of unaccompanied children under ten years of age, who pose minimal security risk and are most vulnerable to deteriorating conditions in the camps.“The problem is that health and security conditions are worsening by the day in the Syrian camps, and the children are growing older,” says Dyah Kartika, IPAC analyst. “They need access to schools, a nurturing environment, and medical attention. If the government waits too long, the children will be further exposed to ISIS ideology.” The new report examines a 2019 list of Indonesians in camps and prisons run by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Indonesian government has been trying to verify their citizenship, but with pseudonyms, misspellings and bad transliterations, it is a daunting task. At the time the data was collected, between March and June 2019, there were 555 Indonesians in SDF camps and prisons, including 367 children. Among the children, approximately 277 were under the age of ten and 34 were unaccompanied. In June 2021, there are fewer than ten children who are both unaccompanied and under the age of ten that could be prioritized for return. Bringing back children of ISIS families is no easy task. The report analyses the main challenges faced by the Indonesian government. These include definitional issues, bureaucratic competition, the difficulty of verifying nationality, evaluating the toll of exposure to conflict, assessing security risk, and finding relatives or others willing to provide care once the children are returned. In addition, COVID has meant stringent restrictions on travel, placing further obstacles in the way of repatriation. There are several models for rehabilitation of children exposed to violent extremism in Indonesia that could be modified to accommodate the needs of children repatriated from abroad. The report examines these models and argues that the government does not need to have every detail of rehabilitation programs in place before it starts extricating children from ISIS influence. It can start by bringing back the most vulnerable children and then modify programs as needed.

“It’s important that the government see these children as victims” says Dyah. “They deserve a chance to be children again.”

Blundering US Diplomacy