Australian Leader Should Not Pander to Anti-China Bias

Posted by AsiaViews | Dec 10, 2017 | 0 |

China Daily

5 Dec 2017

It is not inappropriate for Australia to ban foreign political donations. But it is inappropriate for Canberra to cite Beijing as the reason. When Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull explained his country’s intention to crack down on external interference in domestic politics on Tuesday, he wrongly made China the scapegoat, by citing “disturbing reports about Chinese influence”.

The reports Turnbull mentioned were by Fairfax Media and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, which have jointly been whipping up an anti-China backlash since June.

The two media outlets, presenting unsupported claims as facts and basing their reports on speculation, have accused China of trying to influence the Australian political system by prompting Australian businessmen of Chinese origin to make donations to the country’s political parties.

Turnbull should not have bought into this media orchestrated falsehood. And it is wrong for him to engineer his country’s policies based on the Australian media’s bias against China. The unjustified finger-pointing at China only hurts Australia’s ties with its biggest trading partner.

China has no reason to seek political influence in Australia. The growing bilateral ties, highlighted by strengthened economic cooperation and people-to-people exchanges, have remained the mainstream of interactions in recent years, benefiting both.

Admittedly, the two countries do have differences, not least in their political systems, but that should not create undue friction. Especially since the fundamentals of China-Australia ties remain sound and intact. The signing of China-Australia Free Trade Agreement two years ago created a new starting point for bilateral trade cooperation and has produced tangible benefits for both sides.

In recent years, more and more Australians have come to realize that China plays an indispensible role in propelling Australia’s economy. Yet there remains an ugly stain on the generally rosy picture of ties, as there are some who claim the growing trade ties are creating dependency and who are trying to revive the idea of a China threat, which has already been shown to be a fallacy.

This year, this ill trend has become more prominent, as some media and politicians in Australia, instead of extinguishing the fire have chosen to fan the flames. If this tendency persists it could eventually undermine ties.

Substantive engagement at senior levels is needed to shore up the relationship by forging greater trust, instilling Australian leaders with the confidence to refute the unfounded accusations of anti-China proponents.

(http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201712/05/WS5a27704ea3107865316d4525.html)

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POINTS TO PONDER

EXTRICATING NDONESIAN CHILDREN FROM ISIS INFLUENCE ABROAD

Indonesia urgently needs to revisit the possibility of repatriating the neediest of its young citizens stranded abroad, whose families had earlier joined ISIS. Most of these children are in camps in northern Syria but there are also small numbers in the Philippines, Afghanistan and Iraq. “Extricating Indonesian Children from ISIS Influence Abroad”, the latest report from the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC) argues that the government could begin by bringing back small groups of unaccompanied children under ten years of age, who pose minimal security risk and are most vulnerable to deteriorating conditions in the camps.“The problem is that health and security conditions are worsening by the day in the Syrian camps, and the children are growing older,” says Dyah Kartika, IPAC analyst. “They need access to schools, a nurturing environment, and medical attention. If the government waits too long, the children will be further exposed to ISIS ideology.” The new report examines a 2019 list of Indonesians in camps and prisons run by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Indonesian government has been trying to verify their citizenship, but with pseudonyms, misspellings and bad transliterations, it is a daunting task. At the time the data was collected, between March and June 2019, there were 555 Indonesians in SDF camps and prisons, including 367 children. Among the children, approximately 277 were under the age of ten and 34 were unaccompanied. In June 2021, there are fewer than ten children who are both unaccompanied and under the age of ten that could be prioritized for return. Bringing back children of ISIS families is no easy task. The report analyses the main challenges faced by the Indonesian government. These include definitional issues, bureaucratic competition, the difficulty of verifying nationality, evaluating the toll of exposure to conflict, assessing security risk, and finding relatives or others willing to provide care once the children are returned. In addition, COVID has meant stringent restrictions on travel, placing further obstacles in the way of repatriation. There are several models for rehabilitation of children exposed to violent extremism in Indonesia that could be modified to accommodate the needs of children repatriated from abroad. The report examines these models and argues that the government does not need to have every detail of rehabilitation programs in place before it starts extricating children from ISIS influence. It can start by bringing back the most vulnerable children and then modify programs as needed.

“It’s important that the government see these children as victims” says Dyah. “They deserve a chance to be children again.”

Australian Leader Should Not Pander to Anti-China Bias